sobre ebriedad


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Happenings since we left Colombia

In the month since I’ve returned…

  • An assassination attempt was made on Catholic priest and human rights defender Padre Alberto Franco of the Inter-ecclesial Commission for Justice and Peace, one of our delegation’s most beloved partners.
  • A women’s association of pineapple growers in the Putumayo department have had their entire harvest fumigated aerially–again.
  • Angela Bello, director of the National Foundation in Defense of Women’s Rights (FUNDHEFEM), was found dead in suspicious circumstances after an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound to the head.
  • Land rights advocates won a small victory when an agriculture judge issued an injunction for up to six months, blocking mining companies from operating illegally on collectively-owned indigenous land in Choco and Antioquia.

And that’s just what I’ve been able to keep up with. In the meantime, the incredible International Team with Witness for Peace has uploaded our delegation’s Report on the Impact of the U.S. War on Drugs in Colombia (translated Spanish version also available). Thank you to everyone who told us their stories and everyone who worked on this important document.

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Coca eradication and the globalized U.S. War on Drugs

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Despite all that I am discovering about the environmental and economic dimensions of Colombian geopolitics, my primary reason for getting involved has always been to discredit the illogical and counterproductive strategies that the U.S. government has employed in its folly to enforce a “drug-free” society. We humans have always sought mind-altering experiences to elevate our existence and analgesic painkillers to soothe our angst.

Granted, our coexistence with drugs has certainly not always been pleasant. The desperation of addiction is an affliction that I would not wish on my worst enemy. But instead of educating ourselves as much as we can about how to moderate use of psychoactive substances and prevent them from causing harm, we have decided to punish drugs themselves by criminalizing them and naming them the “enemy.” Banning something doesn’t make it disappear—it just pushes it into a black market, where there’s always demand.

From “How to Chew Coca Leaves” (click for link)

Coca eradication is, theoretically, a supply-side military intervention in the chain of cocaine cultivation. Erythroxylum coca is a plant native to western South America that plays a central role in indigenous healing traditions. The coca leaf is chewed regularly in the Altiplano (Andean Plateau) to cure altitude sickness, and archeological evidence shows that its use dates back about 8,000 years, especially in Peru and Bolivia. It has been the target of U.S. military and counter-narcotics policy in Latin America because it contains less than one percent cocaine alkaloid, which must be chemically extracted from the leaves to synthesize the cocaine that is eventually consumed by North Americans. The Transnational Institute has an excellent fact sheet on how coca came to be criminalized, along with opium and marijuana, by most nations via adoption of the U.N. Conventions on Narcotic Drugs beginning in 1961.

Colombia has been a primary beneficiary of U.S. foreign aid since Plan Colombia, which refers generally to the partnership beginning in 2000 between the State Department and Colombian security forces dedicated to combating “narco-terrorism.”[1] Notice how we’ve neatly conflated national security with counter-narcotics—Plan Colombia’s goals included not just eliminating illicit drugs, but also left-wing guerilla groups. (The exact nature of the relationship between the official Colombian military and right-wing paramilitary units is, one might say, undetermined.)

Militarized eradication of coca began as part of Plan Colombia, and includes both aerial fumigation (herbicides sprayed from helicopters over suspected illicit crop fields) as well as manual eradication (physically uprooting the plants). Let’s start with the fact that no one gets rich from cultivating coca. The regions with coca economies are some of the most impoverished, with little or no state presence. Families who grow coca do it because there is no alternative to sustain their communities in areas controlled by criminal armed actors. They are not in control of the highly organized system of cocaine production that enriches drug cartels. Without addressing the root social causes of coca production, eradication will never result in extinction of coca; it will only drive cultivation further into the jungle. In 2000, only 12 of Colombia’s 32 departments had any coca cultivation; by 2007, that number had grown to 23.[2]

Military eradication of coca has only spread it to more regions of Colombia.

Military eradication of coca has only spread it to more regions of Colombia. (click for full article from Witness for Peace)

So…have we won??

[1] Mondragón, H. (2007). NACLA Report: In the name of democracy. Democracy and Plan Colombia. From http://nacla.org/files/articles/A04001044_1.pdf
[2] Witness for Peace. (2009). An exercise in futility: Nine years of fumigation in Colombia. From http://witnessforpeace.org/downloads/An_Exercise_in_Futility.pdf